Francois D. Pujol B.A M.A. 

Prologue

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The Construction of the Human Subject

This book is the culmination of more than four decades of philosophical inquiry. It is a record of a lifelong effort to understand, interpret, and question the foundations of thought, morality, law, and politics through one unifying idea: the construction of the human subject.

Philosophy, from its earliest days, has asked: What is the self? What does it mean to be human? Are we primarily thinking beings, moral agents, social actors, or legal persons? Modern philosophy, beginning in the seventeenth century, confronted these questions with unprecedented intensity. The result was the gradual, complex, and sometimes contradictory construction of the subject, a being who thinks, chooses, feels, acts, and is acted upon; a being whose identity is both self-created and socially defined.

In the pages that follow, I trace this development, beginning with René Descartes’ foundational claim, Cogito, ergo sum—“I think, therefore I am.” For Descartes, the self is first and foremost a thinking thing (res cogitans), certain of its own existence through the very act of doubt. This radical move set the stage for all subsequent accounts of subjectivity. But Descartes’ self—rational, disembodied, and autonomous—soon encountered challenges from empiricist thinkers who located the self not in pure reason but in sensory experience, habit, and social interaction.

From epistemology, the inquiry proceeds into ethics, law, and politics. In each domain, the human subject is reconceived: as a bearer of moral responsibility, as a legal agent with rights and duties, and as a political citizen situated in structures of power. These overlapping spheres do not merely describe the subject; they constitute it. We become who we are through moral deliberation, legal recognition, and political participation.

The Construction of the Human Subject is not just a history of ideas. It is an invitation to consider the stakes of these constructions—how they shape our understanding of justice, freedom, agency, and community. In a world increasingly fractured by inequality, polarization, and technological transformation, the question of what it means to be human is more urgent than ever.

This book presents a range of divergent philosophical theories across epistemology, ethics, law, and political philosophy in order to provide a clearer understanding of how the human subject has been conceived and contested over time. Rather than defending a single viewpoint, the aim is to illuminate the internal logic, assumptions, and implications of each position—often, but not always, without inserting personal judgment each time. Each topic concludes with a reasoned summary or assessment, offering closure without imposing dogma. While some repetition of key ideas occurs across chapters, this is deliberate: it reinforces core concepts and helps the reader follow complex arguments more easily as they arise in different contexts. The result is a comprehensive but accessible exploration of the philosophical foundations of human thought, action, and social organization.

I do not pretend to be a discoverer of new ideas in philosophy, as Rawls or others might be regarded. This book is a compilation of different theories and frameworks that have shaped our philosophical understanding of the human subject. Its intent is to support those who are interested in these areas of philosophy and, perhaps, to offer guidance to students beginning their study of the discipline.

In addition, select chapters include early academic essays I wrote on related topics. In these, I adopt more defined positions, offering both critical engagement and interpretive perspectives on the issues at hand. Together, these elements aim to provide a comprehensive and accessible guide to the philosophical underpinnings of human thought, agency, and social life.

THE ROAD TO FASCISM

Francois D. Pujol

Prologue

In this book, The Road to Fascism, I will endeavor to demonstrate that democracy is in grave peril in our time. Fascism is not a new idea, nor is it a recent political phenomenon. We believed that it had ended with the significant conflicts of the twentieth century, yet it is once again resurgent. Although it may no longer frequently manifest as an outright political overthrow, fascism is nevertheless advancing steadily across the world — including in the United States of America — by means of incremental and often subtle steps.

To understand this contemporary resurgence, we must first examine the principal political ideologies that have shaped the modern world, from democracy and communism to fascism itself, as well as the complex spectrum of doctrines that lie between them. The opening chapters of this work will therefore provide simplified accounts of these major political systems, serving as the necessary groundwork for the analysis that follows.

Fascism in its modern form — often referred to as the “Alt-Right” — thrives on specific recurring strategies and conditions. Among the most significant are the deliberate division of societies, the cultivation of fear of the “other,” and the systematic fostering of hatred. Hatred has been, throughout history, the decisive factor in the collapse of democratic societies. Today, a substantial segment of the American electorate exhibits deep hostility toward anything associated with liberalism, even preferring to support an openly disreputable candidate simply because he is not a liberal. Fascism exploits and amplifies such tendencies, promoting racism in all its forms.

Unaddressed systemic racism remains one of the most pressing and enduring issues in the United States, predating even the nation’s founding. Fascism also draws strength from the phenomenon of the “strong man.” Modern authoritarian leaders often come to power through elections, which they subsequently manipulate by exploiting weaknesses in legal and regulatory systems to consolidate authority. Because elections cannot be entirely abolished, authoritarian regimes instead seek to subvert them. Political parties — particularly those on the right — frequently accept the legitimacy of elections only when they secure victory. Today, authoritarian demagogues in Republican-controlled states engage in gerrymandering and enact draconian voting laws that disproportionately disenfranchise Black voters and those in progressive districts, thereby entrenching their power.

A further hallmark of fascism is its antagonism toward a free press. Populist authoritarian demagogues routinely denounce the media as “the enemy of the people.” The phrase “fake news,” now ubiquitous, is deployed whenever reporting proves unfavorable to “The Dear Leader.” Fascism will only accept the press if the news is favorable and not critical of it. State-controlled media, therefore, is the inevitable culmination of fascist control over public discourse.

Whether consciously or not, many citizens and political figures remain unaware of fascism’s gradual advance. As individuals grow anxious about changes in the world they inhabit, fascism finds fertile ground in these fears and thrives upon them. It advances ideologies designed to deepen social divisions, thereby strengthening its political position. Contemporary right-wing movements, often aligned with pro-fascist tendencies, have sought to discredit and ban discussions of ideas such as Critical Race Theory, misrepresenting them as attempts to make white people feel guilty. Such groups have also undertaken campaigns to ban books that address racial injustice. Even the term woke — which originally signified awareness of social injustice, particularly racism — has been distorted into a weapon used by right-wing movements against those they regard as ideological enemies.